注釋
革命的年代：1789—1848 作者：艾瑞克·霍布斯鮑姆 投票推薦 加入書簽 留言反饋
<h4>第一章 18世紀80年代的世界</h4>
[1] saint-just, oeuvresplètes, ii, p. 514.
[2] a. hovcque, taille dans un canton ligure. revue mensuelle de l’ecole d’anthropologie (paris 1896).
[3] l. dal pane, storia delvoro dagli inizi del secolo xviii al 1815 (1958),p. 135. r. s. eckers, the north-south differential in italian economic development, journal of economic history, xxi, 1961, p. 290.
[5] h. sée, esquisse d’une histoire du régime agraire en europe au xviii et xix siècles (1921), p. 184, j. blum, lord and peasant in russia (1961), pp. 455—60.
[7] a. goodwin ed. the european nobility in the eighteenth century (1953), p. 52.
[8] l. b. namier, 1848, the revolution of the intellectuals (1944); j. vicens vives, historia economica de espa?a (1959).
[9] sten carlsson, stàndssamh?lle och stàndspersoner 1700—1865 (1949).
[10] pierre lebrun et al., rivoluzione industrial in belgio, studi storici, ii, 3—4, 1961, pp. 564—5.
[11] like turgot (oeuvres v, p. 244): ‘ceux qui connaissent marche dumerce savent aussi que toute entreprise importante, de trafic ou d’industrie, exige le concours de deux espèces d’hommes, d’entrepreneurs...et des ouvriers qui travaillent pour iepte des premiers, moyennant un sire convenu. telle est véritable origine de distinction entre les entrepreneurs et les ma?tres, et les ouvriers oupagnons,quelle est fondé sur nature des choses.’ <h4>第二章 工業革命</h4>
[1] arthur young, tours in ennd and wales, london school of economics edition, p. 269.
[2] a. de toqueville, journeys to ennd and irnd, ed. j. p. mayer (1958), pp. 107—8.
[3] anna bezanson, the early uses of the term industrial revolution, quarterly journal of economics, xxxvi, 1921—2, p. 343, g. n. rk, the idea of the industrial revolution (sgow 1953).
[4] cf. a. e. musson & e. robinson, science and industry in thete eighteenth century, economic history review, xiii. 2, dec 1960, and r. e. schofield’s work on the mind industrialists and the lunar society isis 47 (march 1956), 48 (1957), annals of science ii (june 1956) etc.
[6] w.g.hoffmann, the growth of industrial economics (manchester 1958), p. 68.
[7] a. p. wadsworth & j. de l. mann, the cotton trade and industrialncashire (1931), chapter vii.
[8] f.crouzet, le blocus continental et l’economic britannique (1958), p. 63, suggests that in 1805 it was up to two－thirds.
[9] p. k. o’brien, british ies and property in the early neenth century, economic history review, xii, 2 (1959), p.267.
[11] baines, history of the cotton manufacture in great britain (london 1835). p.431.
[12] p. mathias, the brewing industry in ennd (cambridge 1959).
[13] m. mulhall, dictionary of statistics (1892), p. 158.
[14] baines, op. cit., p. 112.
[15] cf. phyllis deane, estimates of the british national ie, economic history review (april 1956 and april 1957).
[16] o’brien, op. cit., p. 267.
[17] for the stationary state cf. j. schumpeter, history of economic analysis (1954), pp. 570—1. the crucial formtion is john stuart mill’s (principles of political economy, book iv, chapter iv): ‘when a country has long possessed arge production, and arge ie to make saving from, and when, therefore, the means have long existed of making a great annual addition to capital; it is one of the characteristics of such a country, that the rate of profit is habitually within, as it were, a hand’s breadth of the minimum, and the country therefore on the very verge of the stationary state... the mere continuance of the present annual increase in capital if no circumstances urred to counter its effect would suffice in a small number of years to reduce the rate of profit (to the minimum).’ however, when this was published (1848) the counteracting force-the wave of development induced by the railways-had already shown itself.
[18] by the radical john wade, history of the middle and working sses, the banker lord overstone, reflections suggested by the perusal of mr j. horsley palmer’s pamphlet on the causes and consequences of the pressure on the money market (1837), the anti-cornw campaigner j. wilson, fluctuations of currency,merce and manufacture; referable to the cornws (1840); and in france by a. nqui (brother of the famous revolutionary) in 1837 and m. briaune in 1840. doubtless also by others.
[19] baines, op. cit., p. 441. a. ure & p. l. simmonds, the cotton manufacture of great britain (1861 edition),p. 390 ff.
[20] geo. white, a treatise on weaving (sgow 1846), p. 272.
[21] m. ug, the productivity of capital in thencashire cotton industry during the neenth century, economic history review (april 1961).
[22] thomas ellison, the cotton trade of great britain (london 1886), p. 61.
[23] baines, op. cit., p. 356.
[24] baines, op. cit., p. 489.
[25] ure & simmonds, op. cit., vol. i, p.317 ff.
[26] j. h. pham, an economic history of modern britain (1926), p. 427 ff.; mulhall, op. cit. pp. 121, 332, m. robbins, the railway age (1962), p. 30—1.
[28] mulhall, op. cit. 501, 497.
[29] l. h. jenks, the migration of british capital to 1875 (new york and london 1927), p.126.
[30] d. spring, the englishnded estate in the age of coal and iron, journal of economic history, (xi, i, 1951)
[32] albert m. ih, british bnce of payments and export of capital,1816—1913,economic history review v (1952, 2, p. 24).
[33] john francis, a history of the english railway (1851) ii, 136; see also h. tuck, the railway shareholder’s manual (7th edition 1846), preface, and t. tooke, history of prices ii, pp. 275, 333—4 for the pressure of umtedncashire surpluses into railways.
[34] mulhall, op. cit., p. 14.
[35] annals of agric. xxxvi, p. 214.
[36] wilbert moore, industrialisation andbour (cornell 1951).
[37] ug, loc. cit., p. 368. children under 13, however, declined sharply in the 1830’s.
[39] mulhall, op. cit.; ih, loc. cit., ii, 52, pp. 228—9. the precise date of this estimate is 1854. <h4>第三章 法國大革命</h4>
[1] see r. r. palmer, the age of democratic revolution (1959); j. godechot, grande nation (1956), vol. i, chapter 1.
[2] b. lewis, the impact of the french revolution on turkey, journal of world history, i (1953—4, p.105)
[3] h. sée, esquisse d’une histoire du régime agraire (1931), pp. 16—17.
[4] a. soboul, les campagnes montpelliéraines à fin de l’ancien régime (1958).
[5] a. goodwin, the french revolution(1959 cd.), p. 70.
[7] d. greer, the incidence of the terror (harvard 1935).
[8] oeuvresplètes de saint-just, vol. ii, p. 147 (ed. c. vey, paris 1908). <h4>第四章 戰爭</h4>
[1] cf. e.g. w. von grootc, die entstehung d. nationalbewussteins in nordwestdeutd 1790—1830 (1952).
[2] m. lewis, a social history of the navy, 1793—1815 (1960), pp. 370, 373.
[3] gordon craig, the politics of the prussian army 1640—1945 (1955), p. 26.
[4] a. sorel, l’europe et révolution francaise, i (1922 ed.), p. 66.
[5] considérations sur france, chapter iv.
[6] quoted in l.s.stavrianos,antecedents to balkan revolutions, journal of modern history,xxix,1957, p.344.
[7] g. bodart, losses of life in modem wars (1916), p. 133.
[8] j. vicens vives ed. historia social de espana y america (1956), iv, ii, p. 15.
[9] g. bruun, europe and the french imperium (1938), p. 72.
[10] j. leverrier, naissance de l’armée nationale, 1789—94 (1939), p. 139; g.lefebvre,napoléon(1936), pp. 198, 527; m. lewis, op. cit., p. 119; parliamentary papers xvii, 1859, p. 15.
[11] mulhall, dictionary of statistics: war.
[12] cab cyclopedia, i, pp. 55—6 (‘manufactures in metal’).
[13] e. tarlé, le blocus continental et le royaume d’italie(1928), pp. 3—4, 25—31; h. sée, histoire economique de france,ii, p. 52; mulhall, loc. cit.
[14] gayer, rostow and schwartz, growth and fluctuation of the british economy, 1790—1850 (1953), pp. 646—9; f. crouzet, le blocus continental et l’économie britannique (1958), p. 868 ff. <h4>第五章 和平</h4>
[1] castlereagh, correspondence, third series, xi, p. 105.
[2] gentz, depêches inédites, i, p. 371.
[3] j. richardson, my dearest uncle, leopold of the belgians (1961), p. 165.
[4] r. cameron, op. cit. p. 85.
[5] f. ponteil,fayette et pologne (1934). <h4>第六章 革命</h4>
[1] luding boerne, gesammelte schriften, iii, pp. 130—1.
[2] memoirs of prince metternich, p. 468.
[3] vienna, verwaltungsarchiv: polizeihofstelle h 136/1834, passim.
[4] guizot, of democracy in modern societies (london 1838), p. 32.
[5] the most lucid discussion of this general revolutionary strategy is contained in marx’ articles in the neue rheinische zeitung during the 1848 revolution.
[6] m. l. hansen, the antic migration (1945), p. 147.
[7] f. c. mather, the government and the chartists, in a. briggs ed. chartist studies(1959).
[8] cf. parliamentary papers, xxxiv, of 1834; answers to question 53 (causes and consequences of the agricultural riots and burning of 1830 and 1831), e.g.mbourn, speen (berks), steeple ydon (bucks), bonington (glos), evenley (northants).
[9] r. dautry, 1848 et deuxième république (1848), p. 80.
[10] st. kiniewicz, pologne et l’italie à i’époque du printemps des peuples. pologne au xe congrés international historique, 1955, p. 245.
[11] d. cantimori in f. fejt? ed., the opening of an era: 1848 (1948), p. 119.
[12] d. read, press and people (1961), p. 216.
[13] irene collins, government and newspaper press in france, 1814—81 (1959).
[14] cf. e. j. hobsbawm, primitive rebels (1959). pp.171—2; v. volguine, les idées socialistes etmunistes dans les sociétés secrètes (questions d’histoire, ii, 1954,pp.10—37); a. b. spitzer, the revolutionary theories of auguste nqui (1957), pp.165—6.
[15] g.d. h. cole and a. w. filson, british working ss movements. select documents (1951), p. 402
[16] j. zubrzycki, emigration from pnd, poption studies, vi, (1952—3), p. 248.
[17] engels to marx, march 9, 1847. <h4>第七章 民族主義</h4>
[1] hoffmann v. fallersleben, der deutsche zollverein, in unpolitische lieder.
[2] g. weill, l’enseignement sécondaire en france 1801—1920 (1921), p.72.
[3] e. develeye, l’instruction ju peuple (1872), p. 278.
[4] f. paulsen, geschichte des gelehrten unterrichts (1897), ii, p. 703; a. daumard, les élèves de l’ecole poly-technique 1815—48 (rev. d’hist. mod. et contemp. v. 1958); the total number of german and belgian students in an average semester of the early 1840’s was about 14,000. j. conrad, die frequenzverh?ltnisse der universit?ten der haupts?chlichen kulturl?nder (jb. f. nationalok. u. statistik lvi, 1895, pp. 376 ff.)
[5] l. liard, l’enseignement supérieur en france 1789—1889 (1888), p. 11 ff.
[6] paulsen, op. cit., ii, pp. 690—1.
[7] handw?rterbuch d.staabwissenschaften (2nd ed.) art. buchhandel.
[8]veleye, op. cit., p. 264.
[9] w. wachsmuth, europ?ische sittengeschichte, v, 2 (1839), pp. 807—8.
[10] j. sigmann, l’es radicaux badois et l’idée nationàle allemande en 1848.etudes d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, ii, 1948, pp. 213—4.
[11] j. miskolczy, ungarn und die habsburger-monarchie (1959), p. 85. <h4>第八章 土地</h4>
[1] haxthausen, studien ... ueber rusnd (1847), ii, p. 3.
[2] j. billingsley, survey of the board of agriculture for somerset (1798), p. 52.
[3] the figures are based on the ‘new domesday book’of 1871—3, but there is no reason to believe that they do not represent the situation in 1848.
[4] handw?rterbuch d.staatswissenschaften (second ed.), art. grundbesitz.
[5] th. von der goltz, gesch. d. deutschenndwirtschaft (1903), ii; sartorius v. waltershausen, deutsche wirtschaftsgeschichte 1815—1914 (1923), p.132.
[6] quoted in l. a. white ed., the indian journals of lewis, henry morgan (1959).p 15.
[8] c. issawi, egypt since 1800. journal of economic history, xxi, i,1961, p. 5.
[9] b.j. hovde, the scandinavian countries 1720—1860 (1943), vol. i, p. 279. for the increase in the average harvest from 6 million tons (1770) to 10 millions, see hwb. d. staatswissenschaften, art. bauernbefreiung.
[10] a. chabert, essai sur les mouvements des prix et des revenus 1798—1820 (1949) ii, p.27 ff; l. l’huillier, recherches sur l’alsace napoléonienne (1945), p.470.
[11] eg. g. desert in e.brousse ed. aspects de crise . . . 1846—51 (1956), p.58.
[12] j. godechot, grande nation (1956), ii, p. 584.
[13] a. agthe, ursprung u.ge d.ndarbeiter in lind (1909), pp. 122—8.
[15] f. luetge, auswirkung der bauernbefreiung, in jb. f. nat. oek. 157, 1943, p.353 ff.
[16] r.zangheri, prime ricerche su distribuzione delta proprietà fondiaria (1957).
[17] e. sereni, il capitalismo nelle campagne (1948), pp. 175—6.
[19] dal pane, storia delvoro in italia dagli inizi del secolo xviii al 1815(1958), p.119 .
[20] r.zangheri ed. le campagne emiliane nell’epoca moderna (1957), p. 73.
[21] j. vicens vives, ed. historia social y economica de espa?a y america(1959). ivii,pp. 92, 95.
[22] m. emerit, l’état intellectuel et moral de l’algérie en 1830, revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine,i, 1954,p.207.
[23] r. dutt, the economic history of india under early british rule (n.d. fourth ed.), p.88.
[24] r. dutt, india and the victorian age (1904), pp. 56—7.
[25] b. s. cohn, the initial british impact on india (journal of asian studies, 19, 1959—60, pp. 418—31) shows that in the benares district (uttar pradesh) officials used their position to acquirend wholesale. of 74 holders ofrge estates towards the end of the century, 23 owed the original title to thend to their connections with civil servants (p. 430).
[26] sulekh chandra gupta,nd market in the north western provinces (utter pradesh) in the first half of the neenth century (indian economic review, iv, 2, august 1958). see also the same author’s equally illuminating and pioneering agrarian background of 1857 rebellion in the north-western provinces (enquiry,n. delhi, feb. 1959).
[27] r. p. dutt, india today (1940), pp. 129—30.
[28] k. h. connell,nd and poption in irnd, economic history review, ii. 3,1950.pp.285, 288.
[29] s. h. cousens, regional .death rates in irnd during the great famine. poption studies, xiv, 1, 1960, p. 65. <h4>第九章 邁向工業世界</h4>
[1] quoted in w. armytage, a social history of engineering. (1961), p. 126.
[2] quoted in r. picard, le romantisme social, (1944), pt. 2, cap. 6.
[3] j. morley, life of richard cobden (1903 ed ), p. 108.
[4] r. baron castro, pocion hispano-americana, journal of world history, v, 1959—60, pp. 339—40.
[5] j. blum, transportation and industry in austria 1815—48, journal of modern history xv (1943), p. 27.
[6] mulhall, op. cit., post office.
[7] mulhall, ibid.
[8] p. a. khromov, ekonomicheskoe razvilie rossii v xlx-xx vekakh (1950), table 19, p. 482—3. but the amount of sales increased much faster. cf. also j. blum, lord and peasant in russia, p. 287.
[9] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 347.
[10] quoted in s. giedion, mechanisation takesmand (1948), p. 152.
[11] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 115 ff.
[12] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 347; w. hoffmann, the growth of industrial economies (1958), p. 71.
[13] w. hoffmann, op. cit., p. 48; mulhall, op. cit., p. 377.
[14] j. purs, the industrial revolution in the czechnds(historica, ii (1960), pp. 199—200).
[15] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 347; mulhall, op. cit., p. 377.
[16] h. kisch, the textile industries in silesia and the rhinnd, journal of economic history, xix, december 1959.
[17] o. fischel and m. v. boehn, die mode, 1818—1842 (munich 1924), p. 136.
[18] r. e. cameron, op. cit., pp. 79, 85.
[19] the locus ssicus of this discussion is g. lefebvre, révolution francaise et les paysans (1932), reprinted in etudes sur révolution francaise (1954).
[20] g. mori, osservazioni sul liberoscambismo dei moderati nel risorgimento, riv. storic del socialismo, iii, 1960, p. 8.
[21] c. issawi, egypt since 1800, journal of economic history. march 1961, xxi, p. 1. <h4>第十章 向才幹之士敞開進身之路</h4>
[1] f. engels, condition of the working ss in ennd, chapter xii.
[2] m. capefigue, histoires des grandes operations financières, iv (1860), p.255.
[3] m. capefigue, loc. cit.,pp. 254,248—9.
[4] a. beauvilliers, l’art da cuisinier, (paris 1814).
[6] a. briggs, middle ss consciousness in english politics 1780—1846, past and present, 9, april 1956, p. 68.
[7] donald read, press and people 1790—1850 (1961), p. 26.
[8] s. smiles, life of george stephenson (1881 ed.), p. 183.
[9] charles dickens, hard times.
[10] léon faucher, etudes sur l’angleterre, i (1842), p. 322.
[11] m. j.mbert-dansette, quelgues families du patronat textile de lille-armentières (lille 1954), p. 659.
[12] oppermann, geschichte d. k?nigreichs hannover, quoted in t. klein, 1848, der vorkampf (1914), p. 71.
[13] g. schilfert, sieg u. niedege d. demokratischen wahlrechts in d. deutschen revolution 1848—9 (1952), pp. 404—5.
[14] mulhall, op. cit. p. 259.
[15] w. r. sharp, the french civil service (new york 1931), pp. 15—16.
[16] the census of great britain in 1851 (london, longman, brown, green and longmans 1854), p. 57.
[17] r. portal, naissance d’une bourgeoisie industrielle en russie dans première moitié du xix siècle. bulletin de société d’histoire moderne, douzième série, ii,1959.
[18] vienna, verwaltungsarchiv, polizeihofstelle, h 136/1834.
[19] a. girault et l. milliot, principes de colonisation et de légition coloniale (1938),p. 359.
[20] louis chevalier, ssesborieuses et sses dangereuses (paris 1958) iii, pt.2 discusses the use of the term ‘barbarians’, both by those hostile and by those friendly to thebouring poor in the 1840s.
[21] d. simon, master and servant in j. saville ed., democracy and thebour movement(1954).
[22] p. jard, histoire sociale du travail (i960), p. 248.
[23] p. jard, op. cit., p. 249. <h4>第十一章 勞動貧民</h4>
[1] the weaver hauffe, born 1807, quoted in alexander schneer, ueber die moth der leinen-arbeiter in schle-lesien . . . (berlin 1844), p. 16.
[2] the theologian p. d. michele augusti, de libertà ed eguaglianza degli uomini nell’ordine naturale e civile (1790), quoted in a. cherubini, dottrine e metodi assistenziali dal 1789 al 1848 (mn 1958), p. 17.
[3] e. j. hobsbawn, the machine breakers, past and present, i, 1952.
[4] ‘about somencashireds’ in the leisure hour (1881). i owe this reference to mr a. jenkin.
[5] ‘die schnapspest im ersten drittel des jahrhunderts’, handwoerterbuch d staatswissenschaften (seconded.) art.‘ trunksucht’.
[6] l. chevalier, ssesborieuses et sses dangereuses, passim.
[7] j. b. russell, public health administration in sgow (1903), p. 3.
[9] e. neuss, entstehung u. entwicklung d.sse d. besitzlosen lohnarbeiter in halle (berlin 1958), p. 283.
[10] j. kuczynski, geschichte derge der arbeiter (berlin 1960), vol. 9, p. 264 ff; vol. 8 (1960), p. 109 ff.
[11] r. j. rath, the habsburgs and the great depression in lombardo-via 1814—18. journal of modern history, xiii, p. 311.
[12] m. c. muehlemann, les prix des vivres et ie mouvement de poption dans ie canton de berne 1782—1881. iv congrès international d’hygiène (1883).
[13] f. j. neumann, zur lehre von d lohngesetzen, jb.f.nat.oek. 3d ser. iv 1892, p. 374 ff.
[1] saint-just, oeuvresplètes, ii, p. 514.
[2] a. hovcque, taille dans un canton ligure. revue mensuelle de l’ecole d’anthropologie (paris 1896).
[3] l. dal pane, storia delvoro dagli inizi del secolo xviii al 1815 (1958),p. 135. r. s. eckers, the north-south differential in italian economic development, journal of economic history, xxi, 1961, p. 290.
[5] h. sée, esquisse d’une histoire du régime agraire en europe au xviii et xix siècles (1921), p. 184, j. blum, lord and peasant in russia (1961), pp. 455—60.
[7] a. goodwin ed. the european nobility in the eighteenth century (1953), p. 52.
[8] l. b. namier, 1848, the revolution of the intellectuals (1944); j. vicens vives, historia economica de espa?a (1959).
[9] sten carlsson, stàndssamh?lle och stàndspersoner 1700—1865 (1949).
[10] pierre lebrun et al., rivoluzione industrial in belgio, studi storici, ii, 3—4, 1961, pp. 564—5.
[11] like turgot (oeuvres v, p. 244): ‘ceux qui connaissent marche dumerce savent aussi que toute entreprise importante, de trafic ou d’industrie, exige le concours de deux espèces d’hommes, d’entrepreneurs...et des ouvriers qui travaillent pour iepte des premiers, moyennant un sire convenu. telle est véritable origine de distinction entre les entrepreneurs et les ma?tres, et les ouvriers oupagnons,quelle est fondé sur nature des choses.’ <h4>第二章 工業革命</h4>
[1] arthur young, tours in ennd and wales, london school of economics edition, p. 269.
[2] a. de toqueville, journeys to ennd and irnd, ed. j. p. mayer (1958), pp. 107—8.
[3] anna bezanson, the early uses of the term industrial revolution, quarterly journal of economics, xxxvi, 1921—2, p. 343, g. n. rk, the idea of the industrial revolution (sgow 1953).
[4] cf. a. e. musson & e. robinson, science and industry in thete eighteenth century, economic history review, xiii. 2, dec 1960, and r. e. schofield’s work on the mind industrialists and the lunar society isis 47 (march 1956), 48 (1957), annals of science ii (june 1956) etc.
[6] w.g.hoffmann, the growth of industrial economics (manchester 1958), p. 68.
[7] a. p. wadsworth & j. de l. mann, the cotton trade and industrialncashire (1931), chapter vii.
[8] f.crouzet, le blocus continental et l’economic britannique (1958), p. 63, suggests that in 1805 it was up to two－thirds.
[9] p. k. o’brien, british ies and property in the early neenth century, economic history review, xii, 2 (1959), p.267.
[11] baines, history of the cotton manufacture in great britain (london 1835). p.431.
[12] p. mathias, the brewing industry in ennd (cambridge 1959).
[13] m. mulhall, dictionary of statistics (1892), p. 158.
[14] baines, op. cit., p. 112.
[15] cf. phyllis deane, estimates of the british national ie, economic history review (april 1956 and april 1957).
[16] o’brien, op. cit., p. 267.
[17] for the stationary state cf. j. schumpeter, history of economic analysis (1954), pp. 570—1. the crucial formtion is john stuart mill’s (principles of political economy, book iv, chapter iv): ‘when a country has long possessed arge production, and arge ie to make saving from, and when, therefore, the means have long existed of making a great annual addition to capital; it is one of the characteristics of such a country, that the rate of profit is habitually within, as it were, a hand’s breadth of the minimum, and the country therefore on the very verge of the stationary state... the mere continuance of the present annual increase in capital if no circumstances urred to counter its effect would suffice in a small number of years to reduce the rate of profit (to the minimum).’ however, when this was published (1848) the counteracting force-the wave of development induced by the railways-had already shown itself.
[18] by the radical john wade, history of the middle and working sses, the banker lord overstone, reflections suggested by the perusal of mr j. horsley palmer’s pamphlet on the causes and consequences of the pressure on the money market (1837), the anti-cornw campaigner j. wilson, fluctuations of currency,merce and manufacture; referable to the cornws (1840); and in france by a. nqui (brother of the famous revolutionary) in 1837 and m. briaune in 1840. doubtless also by others.
[19] baines, op. cit., p. 441. a. ure & p. l. simmonds, the cotton manufacture of great britain (1861 edition),p. 390 ff.
[20] geo. white, a treatise on weaving (sgow 1846), p. 272.
[21] m. ug, the productivity of capital in thencashire cotton industry during the neenth century, economic history review (april 1961).
[22] thomas ellison, the cotton trade of great britain (london 1886), p. 61.
[23] baines, op. cit., p. 356.
[24] baines, op. cit., p. 489.
[25] ure & simmonds, op. cit., vol. i, p.317 ff.
[26] j. h. pham, an economic history of modern britain (1926), p. 427 ff.; mulhall, op. cit. pp. 121, 332, m. robbins, the railway age (1962), p. 30—1.
[28] mulhall, op. cit. 501, 497.
[29] l. h. jenks, the migration of british capital to 1875 (new york and london 1927), p.126.
[30] d. spring, the englishnded estate in the age of coal and iron, journal of economic history, (xi, i, 1951)
[32] albert m. ih, british bnce of payments and export of capital,1816—1913,economic history review v (1952, 2, p. 24).
[33] john francis, a history of the english railway (1851) ii, 136; see also h. tuck, the railway shareholder’s manual (7th edition 1846), preface, and t. tooke, history of prices ii, pp. 275, 333—4 for the pressure of umtedncashire surpluses into railways.
[34] mulhall, op. cit., p. 14.
[35] annals of agric. xxxvi, p. 214.
[36] wilbert moore, industrialisation andbour (cornell 1951).
[37] ug, loc. cit., p. 368. children under 13, however, declined sharply in the 1830’s.
[39] mulhall, op. cit.; ih, loc. cit., ii, 52, pp. 228—9. the precise date of this estimate is 1854. <h4>第三章 法國大革命</h4>
[1] see r. r. palmer, the age of democratic revolution (1959); j. godechot, grande nation (1956), vol. i, chapter 1.
[2] b. lewis, the impact of the french revolution on turkey, journal of world history, i (1953—4, p.105)
[3] h. sée, esquisse d’une histoire du régime agraire (1931), pp. 16—17.
[4] a. soboul, les campagnes montpelliéraines à fin de l’ancien régime (1958).
[5] a. goodwin, the french revolution(1959 cd.), p. 70.
[7] d. greer, the incidence of the terror (harvard 1935).
[8] oeuvresplètes de saint-just, vol. ii, p. 147 (ed. c. vey, paris 1908). <h4>第四章 戰爭</h4>
[1] cf. e.g. w. von grootc, die entstehung d. nationalbewussteins in nordwestdeutd 1790—1830 (1952).
[2] m. lewis, a social history of the navy, 1793—1815 (1960), pp. 370, 373.
[3] gordon craig, the politics of the prussian army 1640—1945 (1955), p. 26.
[4] a. sorel, l’europe et révolution francaise, i (1922 ed.), p. 66.
[5] considérations sur france, chapter iv.
[6] quoted in l.s.stavrianos,antecedents to balkan revolutions, journal of modern history,xxix,1957, p.344.
[7] g. bodart, losses of life in modem wars (1916), p. 133.
[8] j. vicens vives ed. historia social de espana y america (1956), iv, ii, p. 15.
[9] g. bruun, europe and the french imperium (1938), p. 72.
[10] j. leverrier, naissance de l’armée nationale, 1789—94 (1939), p. 139; g.lefebvre,napoléon(1936), pp. 198, 527; m. lewis, op. cit., p. 119; parliamentary papers xvii, 1859, p. 15.
[11] mulhall, dictionary of statistics: war.
[12] cab cyclopedia, i, pp. 55—6 (‘manufactures in metal’).
[13] e. tarlé, le blocus continental et le royaume d’italie(1928), pp. 3—4, 25—31; h. sée, histoire economique de france,ii, p. 52; mulhall, loc. cit.
[14] gayer, rostow and schwartz, growth and fluctuation of the british economy, 1790—1850 (1953), pp. 646—9; f. crouzet, le blocus continental et l’économie britannique (1958), p. 868 ff. <h4>第五章 和平</h4>
[1] castlereagh, correspondence, third series, xi, p. 105.
[2] gentz, depêches inédites, i, p. 371.
[3] j. richardson, my dearest uncle, leopold of the belgians (1961), p. 165.
[4] r. cameron, op. cit. p. 85.
[5] f. ponteil,fayette et pologne (1934). <h4>第六章 革命</h4>
[1] luding boerne, gesammelte schriften, iii, pp. 130—1.
[2] memoirs of prince metternich, p. 468.
[3] vienna, verwaltungsarchiv: polizeihofstelle h 136/1834, passim.
[4] guizot, of democracy in modern societies (london 1838), p. 32.
[5] the most lucid discussion of this general revolutionary strategy is contained in marx’ articles in the neue rheinische zeitung during the 1848 revolution.
[6] m. l. hansen, the antic migration (1945), p. 147.
[7] f. c. mather, the government and the chartists, in a. briggs ed. chartist studies(1959).
[8] cf. parliamentary papers, xxxiv, of 1834; answers to question 53 (causes and consequences of the agricultural riots and burning of 1830 and 1831), e.g.mbourn, speen (berks), steeple ydon (bucks), bonington (glos), evenley (northants).
[9] r. dautry, 1848 et deuxième république (1848), p. 80.
[10] st. kiniewicz, pologne et l’italie à i’époque du printemps des peuples. pologne au xe congrés international historique, 1955, p. 245.
[11] d. cantimori in f. fejt? ed., the opening of an era: 1848 (1948), p. 119.
[12] d. read, press and people (1961), p. 216.
[13] irene collins, government and newspaper press in france, 1814—81 (1959).
[14] cf. e. j. hobsbawm, primitive rebels (1959). pp.171—2; v. volguine, les idées socialistes etmunistes dans les sociétés secrètes (questions d’histoire, ii, 1954,pp.10—37); a. b. spitzer, the revolutionary theories of auguste nqui (1957), pp.165—6.
[15] g.d. h. cole and a. w. filson, british working ss movements. select documents (1951), p. 402
[16] j. zubrzycki, emigration from pnd, poption studies, vi, (1952—3), p. 248.
[17] engels to marx, march 9, 1847. <h4>第七章 民族主義</h4>
[1] hoffmann v. fallersleben, der deutsche zollverein, in unpolitische lieder.
[2] g. weill, l’enseignement sécondaire en france 1801—1920 (1921), p.72.
[3] e. develeye, l’instruction ju peuple (1872), p. 278.
[4] f. paulsen, geschichte des gelehrten unterrichts (1897), ii, p. 703; a. daumard, les élèves de l’ecole poly-technique 1815—48 (rev. d’hist. mod. et contemp. v. 1958); the total number of german and belgian students in an average semester of the early 1840’s was about 14,000. j. conrad, die frequenzverh?ltnisse der universit?ten der haupts?chlichen kulturl?nder (jb. f. nationalok. u. statistik lvi, 1895, pp. 376 ff.)
[5] l. liard, l’enseignement supérieur en france 1789—1889 (1888), p. 11 ff.
[6] paulsen, op. cit., ii, pp. 690—1.
[7] handw?rterbuch d.staabwissenschaften (2nd ed.) art. buchhandel.
[8]veleye, op. cit., p. 264.
[9] w. wachsmuth, europ?ische sittengeschichte, v, 2 (1839), pp. 807—8.
[10] j. sigmann, l’es radicaux badois et l’idée nationàle allemande en 1848.etudes d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, ii, 1948, pp. 213—4.
[11] j. miskolczy, ungarn und die habsburger-monarchie (1959), p. 85. <h4>第八章 土地</h4>
[1] haxthausen, studien ... ueber rusnd (1847), ii, p. 3.
[2] j. billingsley, survey of the board of agriculture for somerset (1798), p. 52.
[3] the figures are based on the ‘new domesday book’of 1871—3, but there is no reason to believe that they do not represent the situation in 1848.
[4] handw?rterbuch d.staatswissenschaften (second ed.), art. grundbesitz.
[5] th. von der goltz, gesch. d. deutschenndwirtschaft (1903), ii; sartorius v. waltershausen, deutsche wirtschaftsgeschichte 1815—1914 (1923), p.132.
[6] quoted in l. a. white ed., the indian journals of lewis, henry morgan (1959).p 15.
[8] c. issawi, egypt since 1800. journal of economic history, xxi, i,1961, p. 5.
[9] b.j. hovde, the scandinavian countries 1720—1860 (1943), vol. i, p. 279. for the increase in the average harvest from 6 million tons (1770) to 10 millions, see hwb. d. staatswissenschaften, art. bauernbefreiung.
[10] a. chabert, essai sur les mouvements des prix et des revenus 1798—1820 (1949) ii, p.27 ff; l. l’huillier, recherches sur l’alsace napoléonienne (1945), p.470.
[11] eg. g. desert in e.brousse ed. aspects de crise . . . 1846—51 (1956), p.58.
[12] j. godechot, grande nation (1956), ii, p. 584.
[13] a. agthe, ursprung u.ge d.ndarbeiter in lind (1909), pp. 122—8.
[15] f. luetge, auswirkung der bauernbefreiung, in jb. f. nat. oek. 157, 1943, p.353 ff.
[16] r.zangheri, prime ricerche su distribuzione delta proprietà fondiaria (1957).
[17] e. sereni, il capitalismo nelle campagne (1948), pp. 175—6.
[19] dal pane, storia delvoro in italia dagli inizi del secolo xviii al 1815(1958), p.119 .
[20] r.zangheri ed. le campagne emiliane nell’epoca moderna (1957), p. 73.
[21] j. vicens vives, ed. historia social y economica de espa?a y america(1959). ivii,pp. 92, 95.
[22] m. emerit, l’état intellectuel et moral de l’algérie en 1830, revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine,i, 1954,p.207.
[23] r. dutt, the economic history of india under early british rule (n.d. fourth ed.), p.88.
[24] r. dutt, india and the victorian age (1904), pp. 56—7.
[25] b. s. cohn, the initial british impact on india (journal of asian studies, 19, 1959—60, pp. 418—31) shows that in the benares district (uttar pradesh) officials used their position to acquirend wholesale. of 74 holders ofrge estates towards the end of the century, 23 owed the original title to thend to their connections with civil servants (p. 430).
[26] sulekh chandra gupta,nd market in the north western provinces (utter pradesh) in the first half of the neenth century (indian economic review, iv, 2, august 1958). see also the same author’s equally illuminating and pioneering agrarian background of 1857 rebellion in the north-western provinces (enquiry,n. delhi, feb. 1959).
[27] r. p. dutt, india today (1940), pp. 129—30.
[28] k. h. connell,nd and poption in irnd, economic history review, ii. 3,1950.pp.285, 288.
[29] s. h. cousens, regional .death rates in irnd during the great famine. poption studies, xiv, 1, 1960, p. 65. <h4>第九章 邁向工業世界</h4>
[1] quoted in w. armytage, a social history of engineering. (1961), p. 126.
[2] quoted in r. picard, le romantisme social, (1944), pt. 2, cap. 6.
[3] j. morley, life of richard cobden (1903 ed ), p. 108.
[4] r. baron castro, pocion hispano-americana, journal of world history, v, 1959—60, pp. 339—40.
[5] j. blum, transportation and industry in austria 1815—48, journal of modern history xv (1943), p. 27.
[6] mulhall, op. cit., post office.
[7] mulhall, ibid.
[8] p. a. khromov, ekonomicheskoe razvilie rossii v xlx-xx vekakh (1950), table 19, p. 482—3. but the amount of sales increased much faster. cf. also j. blum, lord and peasant in russia, p. 287.
[9] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 347.
[10] quoted in s. giedion, mechanisation takesmand (1948), p. 152.
[11] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 115 ff.
[12] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 347; w. hoffmann, the growth of industrial economies (1958), p. 71.
[13] w. hoffmann, op. cit., p. 48; mulhall, op. cit., p. 377.
[14] j. purs, the industrial revolution in the czechnds(historica, ii (1960), pp. 199—200).
[15] r. e. cameron, op. cit., p. 347; mulhall, op. cit., p. 377.
[16] h. kisch, the textile industries in silesia and the rhinnd, journal of economic history, xix, december 1959.
[17] o. fischel and m. v. boehn, die mode, 1818—1842 (munich 1924), p. 136.
[18] r. e. cameron, op. cit., pp. 79, 85.
[19] the locus ssicus of this discussion is g. lefebvre, révolution francaise et les paysans (1932), reprinted in etudes sur révolution francaise (1954).
[20] g. mori, osservazioni sul liberoscambismo dei moderati nel risorgimento, riv. storic del socialismo, iii, 1960, p. 8.
[21] c. issawi, egypt since 1800, journal of economic history. march 1961, xxi, p. 1. <h4>第十章 向才幹之士敞開進身之路</h4>
[1] f. engels, condition of the working ss in ennd, chapter xii.
[2] m. capefigue, histoires des grandes operations financières, iv (1860), p.255.
[3] m. capefigue, loc. cit.,pp. 254,248—9.
[4] a. beauvilliers, l’art da cuisinier, (paris 1814).
[6] a. briggs, middle ss consciousness in english politics 1780—1846, past and present, 9, april 1956, p. 68.
[7] donald read, press and people 1790—1850 (1961), p. 26.
[8] s. smiles, life of george stephenson (1881 ed.), p. 183.
[9] charles dickens, hard times.
[10] léon faucher, etudes sur l’angleterre, i (1842), p. 322.
[11] m. j.mbert-dansette, quelgues families du patronat textile de lille-armentières (lille 1954), p. 659.
[12] oppermann, geschichte d. k?nigreichs hannover, quoted in t. klein, 1848, der vorkampf (1914), p. 71.
[13] g. schilfert, sieg u. niedege d. demokratischen wahlrechts in d. deutschen revolution 1848—9 (1952), pp. 404—5.
[14] mulhall, op. cit. p. 259.
[15] w. r. sharp, the french civil service (new york 1931), pp. 15—16.
[16] the census of great britain in 1851 (london, longman, brown, green and longmans 1854), p. 57.
[17] r. portal, naissance d’une bourgeoisie industrielle en russie dans première moitié du xix siècle. bulletin de société d’histoire moderne, douzième série, ii,1959.
[18] vienna, verwaltungsarchiv, polizeihofstelle, h 136/1834.
[19] a. girault et l. milliot, principes de colonisation et de légition coloniale (1938),p. 359.
[20] louis chevalier, ssesborieuses et sses dangereuses (paris 1958) iii, pt.2 discusses the use of the term ‘barbarians’, both by those hostile and by those friendly to thebouring poor in the 1840s.
[21] d. simon, master and servant in j. saville ed., democracy and thebour movement(1954).
[22] p. jard, histoire sociale du travail (i960), p. 248.
[23] p. jard, op. cit., p. 249. <h4>第十一章 勞動貧民</h4>
[1] the weaver hauffe, born 1807, quoted in alexander schneer, ueber die moth der leinen-arbeiter in schle-lesien . . . (berlin 1844), p. 16.
[2] the theologian p. d. michele augusti, de libertà ed eguaglianza degli uomini nell’ordine naturale e civile (1790), quoted in a. cherubini, dottrine e metodi assistenziali dal 1789 al 1848 (mn 1958), p. 17.
[3] e. j. hobsbawn, the machine breakers, past and present, i, 1952.
[4] ‘about somencashireds’ in the leisure hour (1881). i owe this reference to mr a. jenkin.
[5] ‘die schnapspest im ersten drittel des jahrhunderts’, handwoerterbuch d staatswissenschaften (seconded.) art.‘ trunksucht’.
[6] l. chevalier, ssesborieuses et sses dangereuses, passim.
[7] j. b. russell, public health administration in sgow (1903), p. 3.
[9] e. neuss, entstehung u. entwicklung d.sse d. besitzlosen lohnarbeiter in halle (berlin 1958), p. 283.
[10] j. kuczynski, geschichte derge der arbeiter (berlin 1960), vol. 9, p. 264 ff; vol. 8 (1960), p. 109 ff.
[11] r. j. rath, the habsburgs and the great depression in lombardo-via 1814—18. journal of modern history, xiii, p. 311.
[12] m. c. muehlemann, les prix des vivres et ie mouvement de poption dans ie canton de berne 1782—1881. iv congrès international d’hygiène (1883).
[13] f. j. neumann, zur lehre von d lohngesetzen, jb.f.nat.oek. 3d ser. iv 1892, p. 374 ff.